| Hakka 客家 Hak-kâ |
|---|
| Clockwise from top-left: Lee Kuan Yew, Wen Tianxiang, Thaksin Shinawatra, Fann Wong, Yap Ah Loy, Eric Tsang |
| Total population |
|
estimated 30 - 45 million worldwide |
| Regions with significant populations |
| Guangdong, Fujian, Jiangxi, Guangxi, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand |
| Languages |
| Hakka + language(s) of their country of residence |
| Religion |
| Predominantly Mahayana Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, Traditional Chinese religion. Small but significant Christian population. |
| Related ethnic groups |
| Other Han Chinese, She people |
The Hakkas (Hakka language: Hak-kâ; Mandarin Chinese: Kèjiā) are a subgroup of the Han Chinese people who live predominantly in the provinces of Guangdong, Jiangxi and Fujian in China. Their ancestors were often said to have arrived from what is today's central China centuries ago. It is still a contested issue where the Hakkas originated. It is said that in a series of migrations, the Hakkas moved, settled in their present locations in southern China, and then migrated overseas to various countries throughout the world. The Hakkas have had a significant influence on the course of Chinese and overseas Chinese history: in particular, they have been a source of revolutionary, political and military leaders.
Hakkas are most commonly found in the southern Chinese provinces, but may also be found in the northern provinces; for example there are television news programmes read in Hakka in Xi'an (Shaanxi). The presence of Hakkas is pan-China.
| Hakka | |||||||||||||||
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| Chinese: | 客家 | ||||||||||||||
| Kejia (Hakka): | hag2 ga24 | ||||||||||||||
| Literal meaning: | guest families | ||||||||||||||
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The use of the term Hakka to describe this people is thought to be comparatively recent, dating to the Qing Dynasty (c. 17th century).
Their ancestors migrated southwards several times because of social unrest, upheaval, and the invasion of foreign conquerors, since the Jin Dynasty (265-420). Subsequent migrations occurred at the end of the Tang Dynasty when China fragmented, during the middle of the Song Dynasty which saw massive depopulation of the north and a flood of refugees southward, when the Jurchens captured the northern Song capital, at the fall of the Song to the Mongols in the Yuan Dynasty, and when the Ming Dynasty fell to the Manchu who formed the Qing Dynasty. Some of these migrants did not want to reveal where they were from as under Chinese Laws, a crime of treason committed by one person is punishable by death upon the clan of that person up to nine generations. As the locals did not know where the migrants were from, they were referred to as 'guest families'.
During the reign of Emperor Qing Kangxi, the coastal regions were evacuated by imperial edict for almost a decade, due to the dangers posed by the remnants of the Ming court who had fled to what is now Taiwan. When the threat was eliminated, the Kangxi Emperor issued an edict to re-populate the coastal regions. To aid the move, each family was given monetary incentives to begin their new lives; newcomers were registered as "Guest Families" (客戶, kèhù).
The existing Cantonese speaking inhabitants (Punti or 本地) of these areas were protective of their own more fertile lands, and the newcomers were pushed to the outer fringes of fertile plains, despite having migrated legitimately, or they settled in more mountainous regions to eke out a living. People were also able to purchase and sell land. Conflict between the two groups grew, and it is thought that "Hakka" was a term of derision used by the Punti aimed at the newcomers. Eventually, the tension between the two groups (the Hakkas had by then been settled for several hundred years, and could not be regarded as migrants in any sense) would lead to a series of 19th century skirmishes known as the Punti-Hakka Clan Wars (土客械鬥) in the Pearl Delta. The problem was not that the two groups spoke a different tongue. In fact the 'locals' were composed of different people speaking several mutually unintelligible tongues, as typical of the Chinese country-side all over China, but they would regard each other as 'locals' or Puntis but not the Hakkas.
The term 'Punti' is not however synonymous with 'Cantonese', as a Cantonese in any other part of China, say for example Beijing, would not be able to call himself a 'Punti', as the puntis of the area are the Beijing or Hebei people.
The term 'Punti' is a Hakka word given to the Cantonese by the Hakka people. In Cantonese, the Hakka word 'Punti' is pronounced 'boon-day'.
Over time, the term "Hakka" was adopted by the newcomers to refer to themselves, not least due to the migratory tendencies inherent in their own culture. However, because the term also covers Hakka language-speakers, (in the same way that Punti covered several people speaking different tongues) and because the Han Chinese registered as Guest Families who migrated at the time may not have been Hakka language-speakers, and because of intermarriages among Hakka and Punti members (which showed that relation between the two were very good at times), identification as Hakka was largely a matter of self-selection. Through studies of both Cantonese and Hakka genealogies, some Hakka and Punti people with the same surnames claim the same ancestors, although their descendants strongly identify with one group to the exclusion of the other.
The Hakka ancestors are thus but one group amongst many who migrated southwards, becoming linguistically marked by differences yet unified through cultural assonances. Hakka people now are found in the southern Chinese provinces, chiefly in Guangdong, south-western Fujian, southern Jiangxi, southern Hunan, Guangxi, southern Guizhou, south-eastern Sichuan, and on Hainan and Taiwan islands, as well as in the northern provinces such as Shanxi, where there are television news broadcasts in the Hakka language. The Hakka dialects across these various provinces differ phonologically, but the Meixian (Meizhou) dialect of Hakka is considered the archetypal spoken form of the language. Migratory patterns have been established for some groups e.g. in Taiwan, northern and southern migrations from corresponding provinces in China.
Although different, and also not different, in some social customs and culture (e.g. linguistic differences) from the surrounding population, the Hakkas are not a separate ethnic group: they belong to the Han Chinese majority. Historical sources shown in census statistics relate only to the general population, irrespective of particular districts, provinces, or regions. These census counts were made during imperial times. They did not distinguish what language the population spoke. Therefore they do not directly document Hakka migrations. The study by Luo Xianglin, K'o-chia Yen-chiu Tao-Liu / An Introduction to the Study of the Hakkas (Hsin-Ning & Singapore, 1933) used genealogical sources of family clans from various southern counties. With population movement, it is reasonable to assume that there is mixing among both the Hakka newcomers and the indigenous people, and between the Punti and Hakka.
The Hakkas have a custom of buying the unwanted baby daughters of the Yue puntis in Guangdong, as Puntis favored sons over daughters. These Punti-moys (本地妹) then made brides for Hakka sons when they grew up. Hakka daughters did not enter Punti households in the same way, and there is no equivalent Hakka-mui term in the Punti vocabulary. The Yue punti genes thus entered Hakka populations.
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Due to their agrarian lifestyle, the Hakkas have a unique architecture based on defense and communal living (See Hakka architecture), and a hearty savory cuisine based on an equal balance between texturised meat and vegetables, and fresh vegetables (See Hakka cuisine).
When Hakkas expanded into areas with pre-existing populations, there was often little agricultural land left for them to farm. As a result, many Hakka men turned towards careers in the military or public service. Consequently, the Hakka culturally emphasized education.
Unlike the majority of other Han Chinese women, Hakka women did not practice footbinding.
Hakka people built Tulou buildings which has been inscribed in 2008 by UNESCO as a World Heritage Site[1].
The Hakka community is also a source for a variety of martial arts. Those systems in general are referred to as Hakka Kuen (Hakka Fist). Southern Praying Mantis, Bak Mei and Dragon Kung Fu are examples of styles practised by the Hakkas.
The Hakkas who live in Guangdong comprise about 60% of the total Hakka population. Worldwide, over 95% of the overseas-descended Hakkas came from this Guangdong region, usually from Huizhou: the Hakkas there live mostly in the eastern part of the province, particularly in the so-called Xing-Mei (Xingning-Meixian) area. Guangxi contains the second-largest Hakka community. Unlike their kin in Fujian, the Hakkas in the Xingning and Meixian area developed a non-fortress-like unique architectural style, most notably the weilongwu (Chinese: 圍龍屋, wéilóngwū or Hakka: Wui Lung Wuk) and sijiaolou (Chinese: 四角樓, sìjǐaolóu or Hakka: Si Kok Liu).
The Hakkas who settled in the mountainous region of south-western Fujian province developed a unique form of architectural building known as tu lou (土樓), literally meaning earthen structures. The tu lou are round or square and were designed as a combined large fortress and multi-apartment building complex. The structures typically had only one entrance-way, with no windows at ground level. Each floor served a different function: the first floor containing a well and livestock, the second food storage and the third and higher floors contain living spaces. Tu-lou were built to withstand attack from bandits and marauders.
(see Hakka architecture)
| The factual accuracy of this section is disputed. Please see the relevant discussion on the talk page.(March 2008) |
In contemporary society, the Hakka people in Hong Kong have been identified primarily through their concentration and population in the villages and small towns in the New Territories, which were unpopulated and did not have a native or 'Punti' population. The Hakkas thus became the 'puntis' of these areas when they moved in. During the Qing Dynasty, the Hakka people were displaced and persecuted due to their cultural differences from the Manchus of the Qing. Refusing to practise the binding of feet (which was not a practice in Chinese classical eras), the Hakka people were marked out as 'Hak' or 'guest' people in Hong Kong [Cantonese dialect transliteration], as these people never state which part of China their ancestors were from. The last great migration of the Hakka people towards Hong Kong took place at the time of the Taiping Rebellion (1850-1864). Hakka dissenters featured in the anti-government rebellion and subsequently were persecuted following the failure of the Taipings.
The Hakka people practised mainstream Confucian practices as any other Han Chinese group, with a hierarchised dependence on authority given through the family head. Christianised by Protestant and Roman Catholic missionaries in the mid-19th century who gave food to the Hakka and the poor, the Hakka were often slanderously categorised by Puntis with the cult practices of Hong Xiuquan's Taiping Tianguo movement. Thus the new settlers were forced by the circumstances and, not physically by the Puntis, to concentrate on the northern New Territories of Hong Kong. The Hakka people placed a greater reliance on the internal strengths of their own customs, cultural identity and education. This model of community survival, dependent on the integrity of the nuclear clan unit in the face of adversity, has contributed to the 20th century outcome of preserving the cultural identity of the Hakka people. British Law was also in force in Hong Kong, preventing any major incidents from taking place. Over the past forty years, due to the social pressures of Hong Kong, many young Hakkas (as well as other internal Chinese migrant groups such as the Shanghai people and the Hoklo people) have been 'localised' and adopted Punti speech.
Occupationally, Hakka were agriculture-based, as were about 95% of the Chinese population then. There was high unemployment in those times as Hong Kong was still a backwater. The Hakka 'mountain song' as well as songs of 'eight tones' have become famous, particularly outside of Hong Kong by several Hakka artists. The traditional Hakka mountain song expressed human struggle and toil in the early and harsh settlement of a land which was untreaded by man, requiring clearing and human effort. Hakka folk-art remains a strong reminder of the folk origin and connection and the naturalistic tendencies of the Hakka populace, working within a self-dependent synergistic agrarian bioecosystem, in exactly the same manner as any other Chinese peasant farmer of the time. Geographically segregated from Qing Dynasty control and persecution following China's military failures of the 19th century, the Hakka people placed great reliance on a traditional but free society with the opportunities to trade and improve. The striving ethos in the Hakka people of Hong Kong also emphasized ancestral and cultural customs with strong Confucian leanings, recognised for its Chineseness, and the modern Western Christian thoughts. In Hong Kong, Hakka villages continue to be aggregated loosely around clanship, maintaining blood-ties to families (often identified through genealogy), as most well connected Puntis also do, but is lost amongst the lower class Puntis. Land rights in The New Territories of Hong Kong are based on English Common Law in respect to Land Law, and apply to both Puntis and Hakkas, and any other people of the region, irrespective of their spoken language. These laws are accepted and followed by the Hong Kong SAR government. Buying and selling of land was also done through the ages.
It is well documented that when the British took over Hong Kong, the territory was almost unpopulated. The Hakkas of Hong Kong were one its earliest inhabitants, and many arrived several centuries before the migration into Hong Kong by Punti Cantonese people. The term Hakka refers to a people and not who was the first to arrived in Hong Kong. To be technically correct, the Hakkas are the Puntis of Hong Kong if one were to make Punti mean aboriginal. Late arrivers to Hong Kong, such the Shanghainese during the Chinese Civil War, are not referred to as 'guests' but by the city from which they took their language. The Hakkas were different as they did not reveal their origins because many of them fled during the period when under the Chinese Law, they could be sentenced to death because someone in their clan within nine generations had committed treason.
The Hakka people have a marked cuisine and style of Chinese cooking which is little known outside the Hakka home. Hakka cuisine concentrates on the texture of food - the hallmark of Hakka cuisine. Whereas preserved meats feature in Hakka delicacy, stewed, braised, roast meats, 'texturized' contributions to the Hakka palate have a central place in their repertoire. In fact the raw materials for Hakka food are no different from raw materials for any other type of regional Chinese cuisine, what you cook depends on what is available in the market. Hakka cuisine may be described as outwardly simple but tasty. The skill in Hakka cuisine lies in the ability to cook meat thoroughly without hardening it, and to naturally bring out the proteinous flavour (umami taste) of meat. Most of the Chinese restaurants in the United Kingdom are owned by Hakkas.
The Hakkas who settled in the harbour and port areas of Hong Kong placed great emphasis on seafood cuisine. Hakka cuisine in Hong Kong is less dominated by expensive meats, instead emphasis is placed on an abundance of vegetables. Pragmatic and simple, Hakka cuisine is garnished lightly with sparse or little flavouring. Modern Hakka cooking in Hong Kong favours offal, an example being Deep-Fried Intestines (炸大腸 or Tza Tai Chong). Others include tofu with preservatives, along with their signature dish Salt Baked Chicken (鹽焗雞 or Yam Guk Gai). Another specialty is the Poon Choy (盆菜).[2] While it may be difficult to prove these were the actual diets of the old Hakka community, it is presently a commonly accepted view. The above dishes and their variations are in fact found and consumed throughout China including Guangdong, and are not particularly unique or confined to the Hakka Chinese population. Offal in China was/is also more expensive than meat, as was/is fatty pork more expensive than lean pork. Offal was/is a premier food in China. Other dishes consumed by Hakkas and many Chinese include chicken's feet and duck's feet.
It should be noted that the Hakka's modern societal structure and experience includes far more diverse and complex global elements than the Hong Kong landscape, where only a small fraction of the Hakka reside or have transitioned through.
In the latter half of the 20th century, a stronger emphasis has been placed on Hakka preservation through folk art and customs. A Hakka language dictionary has also been completed auspiciously on 1997 by Dr CF Lau [ISBN Reference: ISBN 962-201-750-9], a devoted contributor to the preservation of the Hakka language in Hong Kong.
The Hakkas have emigrated to many regions worldwide, notably India, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Burma and Thailand.
Hakka people also emigrated to Australia, Brunei, Canada, the United States, and to many countries in Europe, including Great Britain, France, Spain, Germany, Austria, Belgium, and the Netherlands. Hakka people also are found in South Africa and Mauritius, on the islands of the Caribbean (Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, and in Central and South America, particularly in Panama and Brazil. Most expatriate Hakka in Great Britain have ties to Hong Kong; many emigrated when Hong Kong still was a British colony during a period coinciding with the Cultural Revolution of China and economic depression in Hong Kong. There was once a sizable Hakka community in Calcutta, but most have migrated to Canada, the United States, Australia, Taiwan or Austria. Today there are about 90-100 million Hakka speakers around the world. In Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesian, Hakka people are sometimes known as Khek, the Hokkien (Minnan) pronunciation of Ke (Hak).
Migration of Hakka people to Indonesia happened in several waves. The first wave landed in Bangka and Belitung islands as tin miners in the 18th century. The second group of colonies were established along the Kapuas River in Kalimantan in the 19th century. In the early 20th Century new arrivals from Meixian joined their compatriots as traders and labourers in major cities such as Jakarta and Pontianak.
Hakkas also live in the Indonesia's biggest tin producer islands of Bangka Belitung province.[3] They were the second majority ethnic group after Malay at about 330,000.[4] Hakka population in the province is also the second largest in Indonesia after West Kalimantan's and one of the highest percentages of Chinese living in Indonesia as well.
The first ancestors of Hakkas in Bangka and Belitung reached the islands in 1700s from Guangdong. Many of them worked as tin mining labourers. Since then, they have stayed on the island along with the native Malay people. The condition is much different with Chinese and natives in other region as they always came into clashes before year of 1999 when Indonesian Chinese finally got their freedom again since 1960s. But here they lived together peacefully and still practiced their customs and cultural festival such as celebrating Chinese New Year and Qingming while in other regions, they were strictly banned by government before 1999.[5] The majority religions of Chinese Babel are Confucianism or Buddhism, and significant number of Christian. A little number of them confessed Islam as some of them married Malays.
Hakkas on the island of Bangka have an unusual accent, said to be heavily influenced by the Malay, especially in younger generations. The younger generations speak much more Malay than the older Hakka generation. As Chinese languages employ tones to distinguish different words, where differences in tone can change a word's meaning entirely, The Hakka dialect spoken by the islanders has such a different tonal system that their spoken language is hardly intelligible to Hakkas from other regions. But they still refer to themselves as Thong ngin as well as younger people and spoke Thong boi. Hakka ngin words are unpopular as well as Hakkafa. The Hakka spoken in the Belinyu area in Bangka is considered to be standard. Many Hakkas in the province have moved outside the Islands especially to Jakarta. There are more than 30,000 - 50,000 Chinese Babel in Jakarta who speak both Malay and Thong boi.
There were also a big Chinese population from Bangka and Belitung who lived abroad such as in China and Hongkong. They proud to be Chinese Bangka Belitung, so once or twice a year they always returned home to celebrate Chinese new year or pay their respects in Qingming.[6][7]
Hakka people in Pontianak live alongside with teochew speaking Chinese. Whilst the teochews are dominant in the centre of Pontianak, the hakkas are more dominant in small towns along the Kapuas River in the regencies of Sanggau, Sekadau and Sintang. Their hakka dialect is originally of Mei Xien (Hakka: MoiYan) standard but heavily influenced by the teochews dialect and vocabularies from the local Malay and Dayak tribes.
The Hakkas in this region are descendants of gold prospectors who migrated from China in the late 19th century.
The hakkas in Singkawang and the surrounding regencies of Sambas, Bengkayang, Ketapang and Landak speaks a different standard of hakka dialect to the hakkas along the Kapuas River. Their place of origin in China is tai phu (Dabu 大埔), a district in Mei Xien. also Fuk Luk Hoi which means winds of the six seas.
Hakka can still be heard in some commercial districts in Jakarta. Their numbers increases with internal migrations from the three regions mentioned above.
There was a relatively large and vibrant Hakka community in East Timor before the Indonesian invasion in 1975. According to the local Chinese Timorese association's estimation, the Hakka population in 1975 was estimated to be around 25,000 (including a small minority of other Chinese ethnicity from Macau). During the invasion, many Hakkas were killed. According to a book source, it was estimated that about 700 Hakkas were killed on the first week of invasion in Dili alone. No clear numbers had been recorded since many Hakkas evacuated and escaped to Australia. Recent re-establishment of Hakka association registered approximately about 2,400 Hakkas remained (400 families, including half Timorese families) in East Timor.
Now the Hakka diaspora can be found in Darwin and spread-out in major cities such as Brisbane, Sydney and Melbourne of Australia, Portugal, Macau and small numbers in other parts of the world. They often are highly-educated, and many continue their education in Taiwan or China, with majority of younger generation study in Australia. The Australian government took some years to assess their claims to political asylum in order to establish their credentials as genuine refugees and not illegal immigrants, partially related to political situation of East Timor during that time. As no Asian country was willing to accept them as residents, or grant political asylum to displaced Hakka and other Timorese, they were forced to live as stateless persons for a time. Despite this condition, many Hakkas had became successful and established food chains, shops, supermarkets and importers in Australia. Since the independence of East Timor in 2002, some Hakka families had returned and invest in businesses in the newborn nation.
Hakkas form the second largest subgroup of the ethnic Chinese population of Malaysia. During his time, Chung Keng Quee, Capitan China of Perak and Penang was founder of Taiping, leader of the Hai San, a millionaire philanthropist, an innovator in the mining of tin and was respected by both Chinese and European communities in the early colonial settlement. A well known Hakka man was Yap Ah Loy, a Kapitan in Kuala Lumpur from 1868 to 1885, where he brought significant economic contributions, founded Kuala Lumpur and also was an influential figure among the ethnic Chinese.
In East Malaysia, they form a significant part of the Bornean state of Sabah where most of the ethnic Chinese are of Hakka descent. Hakka is the lingua fraca among the Chinese in Sabah.
Most Chinese Jamaicans are Hakka and they have a long history in Jamaica. Between 1845 and 1884, nearly 5000 Hakka arrived in Jamaica on 3 major voyages. Most came to Jamaica under contract as indentured servants. Under the terms of the contract, free return passage was available for any Hakka who wanted to return to China. Most of them did.[8] In 1854, 205 Chinese workers who had been working on the Panama canal arrived in Jamaica. They had demanded re-settlement due to the threat of Yellow Fever in Panama. Many were ill upon arrival in Jamaica and were immediately hospitalized in Kingston. Less than 50 or these immigrants survived. The rest died of Yellow Fever.
Chin Pa-kung (a.ka. Jackson Chin), opened a wholesale business in Kingston where the Desnoes and Geddes building now stands. Chang Si-Pah and Lyn Sam opened groceries nearby. These gentleman provided guidance for other Chinese immigrants to Jamaica.[9]
During the 1960s-1970s, there was substantial migration of Hakka Jamaican Chinese to the USA and Canada.
The vast majority of Mauritian Chinese are Hakkas. Most of the Mauritian Hakkas emigrated to Mauritius in the mid 1940's came from the Guangdong province, especially from the Meizhou or Meixian region. Some of them have emigrated from Calcutta.
Today the language of most Mauritian Hakkas speak are Creole, French, English and Hakka, depending on how much their parents have tried to keep the Hakka language alive.
Many Mauritian Hakkas have also emigrated to Canada and Australia.
In Taiwan, Hakka people comprise about 15-20% of the population and are descended largely from Guangdong: they form the second largest ethnic group on the island. Many Hakka moved to lands high up in the hills or remote mountains to escape political persecution. Many of the Hakka people continue to live in these hilly locations of Taiwan.
Taiwan's Hakka are concentrated in Hsinchu City and Hsinchu County, Miaoli County, and around Chungli in Taoyuan County, and Meinong in Kaohsiung County, and in Pingtung County, with smaller presences in Hualian and Taitung County. In recent decades many Hakka have moved to the largest metropolitan areas, including Taipei, Taichung, and Kaohsiung.
Many people in Taiwan are of mixed Hoklo, Hakka, and Formosan aboriginal heritage. Approximately half of the population of Hakka in Taiwan also speak Taiwanese, and it is highly likely that many Taiwanese-speaking households were descendants of Hakka families in Taiwan who lost their language a few generations back.
| No | Year | City | Country |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 1971 | Hong Kong | Hong Kong |
| 2 | 1973 | Taipei | Taiwan |
| 3 | 1976 | Taipei | Taiwan |
| 4 | 1978 | San Francisco | USA |
| 5 | 1980 | Tokyo | Japan |
| 6 | 1982 | Bangkok | Thailand |
| 7 | 1984 | Taipei | Taiwan |
| 8 | 1986 | Mauritius | Mauritius |
| 9 | 1988 | San Francisco | USA |
| 10 | 1990 | Kota Kinabalu, Sabah | Malaysia |
| 11 | 1992 | Kaoshiung | Taiwan |
| 12 | 1994 | Meixian, Guangdong | China |
| 13 | 1996 | Singapore | Singapore |
| 14 | 1998 | Miaoli | Taiwan |
| 15 | 1999 | Kuala Lumpur | Malaysia |
| 16 | 2000 | Longyan, Fujian | China |
| 17 | 2001 | Jakarta | Indonesia |
| 18 | 2003 | Zhengzhou, Henan | China |
| 19 | 2006 | Ganzhou, Jiangxi | China |
| 20 | 2008 | Chengdu, Sichuan | China |
The Hakkas have had a significant influence, disproportionate to their smaller total numbers, on the course of Chinese and overseas Chinese history, particularly as a source of revolutionary, political and military leaders.
Hakkas were active during the Taiping Rebellion [Jonathan D. Spence, "God's Chinese Son", 1997 - see references], the largest uprising in the modern history of China. The uprising, also known as Jintian Uprising, originated at the Hakka village of Jintian in Guiping, Guangxi. It was led by the failed Qing scholar, Hong Xiuquan, who was influenced by Protestant missionaries. Hong's charisma tapped into a consciousness of national dissent which identified with his personal interpretations of the Christian message. His following, who were initially Hakka peasants from Guangxi, grew across the southern provinces. The hugely disciplined Taiping army, which included women in their ranks, captured stoutly-defended towns and cities from the Qing defenders. In 1851, less than a year after the uprising, the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom 太平天囯 was established. It had, at one stage, occupied one-third of China, and almost toppled the Qing Dynasty. The kingdom lasted for eleven years.
Hakkas continue to play prominent roles during the revolutionary and republican years of Kuomintang, as well as during the Chinese Civil War between Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China, to which many of the leaders on both sides are Hakkas.
In the 1980s-90s, all the three foremost leaders of the three Chinese-majority states in the world are of Hakka origin: the People's Republic of China's paramount leader Deng Xiaoping, the Republic of China's President Lee Teng-hui and Singapore's founding father, Lee Kuan Yew. Deng and Lee Kuan Yew, together with Sun Yatsen, were among four Chinese named as "the 20th Century's 20 Most Influential Asians" by Time magazine. [10]
Hakkas' influence is also evident in Guangdong, China, where the "Hakka Gang" "客家帮" has consistently dominated the provincial government. Presently, the governor, Huang Huahua, and four deputy governors are Hakkas. [11]
The list of names above have been verified to be Hakkas. Unsubstantiated names have been removed.
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